A Note on the Chain Uniformity Condition in the Minimalist Program

This paper begins with pointing the theoretical weaknesses of the CUC which is based on the uniformity condition (Chomsky (1992) and Chomsky & Lasnik (1993)). To solve the problems, I introduced the refined CUC and Barriers with a new adjunction condition that is adopted from Frampton (1990). Concerning the problems raised by subject/object asymmetry and wh-in-situ constructions, I have introduced a [+p] feature (Watanahe (1991) and Chomsky (1992)). However, I have stepped further from them. To have a more general theory, I have separated I-to-C Raising (or [T+AGRs]-to-C Raising) into two parts: the one occurring before Spell-Out by [+p], and the other after Spell-Out by IT+AGRs]. I assumed that erasure of offending traces in the Spec of AGRsP in the overt syntax through L-marking by [+p] does not influence the judgment of grammaticality at all. I have shown that the movement of Wh-in-situ at LF can also he explained by the constraints developed in this paper.

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